"People are angry about the social welfare state. And the Muslims and Moroccans, they're blamed for everything," said Elbali, whose mother is Dutch and father is a Moroccan immigrant. He said that if economic problems were fixed, integration problems would probably ease across the nation of 17 million.
The tumult has created opportunities for insurgent parties such as the Green-Left party, an environmentally focused group that supports making changes to the European Union to make it more accountable to voters. The party - led by a charismatic 30-year-old, Jesse Klaver - has risen to fifth place in recent polls, enough support to make it a potential kingmaker in coalition talks. Those are expected to drag on for months.
"We will succeed just because of Brexit and because of Trump," Klaver said last week as he wrapped up his campaign. "I encounter so many young people telling me that what happened in the States really shouldn't happen here."
Still, if the fragmentation opens the doors for new parties to join the government, the likely exclusion of Wilders from power could strengthen him in the long run, analysts say.
"He can make the argument that all the parties are the same," said Matthijs Rooduijn, a sociologist at Utrecht University who researches far-left and far-right parties. "Convergence is good news for him because that provides him with more space."
Utrecht has a powerful part in Wilders's own account of his evolving views about Islam, which he boiled down in this campaign to a single-page platform that calls for the banning of the Koran and the closure of all mosques.
The firebrand politician got his start in political office here in 1997 as a city council member, living in a low-income, increasingly immigrant area of the city. He said there were "no-go" zones in his own neighbourhood that were plagued with high crime.
The reality, observers say, is more complicated. The proportion of Dutch municipalities with between 10 per cent and 25 per cent non-Western migrants doubled between 2002 and 2015, according to the Netherlands Institute for Social Research, a government research agency, fuelled in part by the arrivals of asylum seekers from Middle East conflicts in recent years. Overall, non-Western immigrants rose from 7.6 to 12 per cent of the Dutch population between 1996 and 2015.
In Utrecht, the large new Ulu Mosque, built 300m from the central train station in 2015, has turned into a local Rorschach test about whether the city is integrating its immigrants or being overrun by them. The mosque's twin minarets can be seen from around the city, which has historically been the heart of Christianity in the Netherlands. Wilders and allies in Parliament tried unsuccessfully to stop the construction.
"It's a symbol of immigration's success," said Fleur de Bruijn, a campaigner for the Green-Left in Utrecht who was handing out fliers on a plaza within sight of the mosque. "The movement in Europe and America is that you have right-wing populists. But people are saying, 'Enough. Stop being afraid.' "
That may be a winning message for Susanna Groenendijk, 19, a social work student - at least if she makes up her mind to vote for the Greens.
"I didn't expect I'd be so interested in the election," she said, as she chatted with de Bruijn. She said she was waffling between the Green-Left party, which she thinks would do a better job on the environment, and the Labour Party, which she favours for its policies on funding university educations.
For now, Groenendijk said, "I'm undecided".