But now! Kemp is having a moment. Having secured another four years in office — despite being targeted for removal in the primaries by a certain bitter ex-president — he is feeling looser, freer, more inclined to lend a hand to his good buddy Herschel.
Way more than a hand, actually. Kemp put his formidable turnout machine — everything from door knocking to phone banking to microtargeting — at Walker’s disposal. Or, more precisely, he put it at the disposal of the Senate Leadership Fund, a super PAC aligned with the Senate Republican leader, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky. And Kemp personally has gone all in. In addition to hitting the trail with Walker, he has been promoting him in media interviews, was featured in a pro-Walker mailer and cut two ads for him.
Whatever happens with Walker, keep an eye on Kemp. The 59-year-old governor is positioning himself to be a major Republican player — one that, unlike so many in his party, is not a complete Trump chump.
If Kemp’s electoral victory over Stacey Abrams was decisive, besting her by more than 7 percentage points, his psychological victory over Donald Trump was devastating, in ways you cannot measure in votes. Trump had targeted Kemp for defeat this year, after the governor refused to help him subvert the presidential election results in 2020. The former president put a lot of political capital on the line in his crusade against Kemp, only to get spanked once again in Georgia. The governor’s refusal to bow to Trump wound up burnishing his reputation across party lines, which served him well in the purplish state. In the general election last month, Kemp won 200,000 more votes than Walker did in his race.
National Republicans are now desperate for Kemp to help Walker win over a chunk of those split-ticket voters. Originally, the governor accepted this mission when it still looked as if control of the Senate might once again rest with Georgia. But even after Democrats secured 50 seats, he was happy to go the extra mile for the team.
It’s all upside for Kemp. No one will seriously blame him if he can’t rescue a candidate as lousy as Walker, and he wins friends and influence within the party simply by trying. He also gets to wallow in his status as a separate, non-Trumpian power centre. After all the abuse he has taken from Trump, the governor must on some level relish being asked to salvage the former president’s hand-picked dud — even as the party made clear it did not want Trump anywhere near the Peach State this time. And if Kemp somehow manages to drag Walker to victory, clawing back one of the two Georgia Senate seats Trump helped cost the party last year, it will be an ostrich-size feather in his already heavily plumed cap — not to mention a fat thumb in Trump’s eye.
Kemp clearly has his sights set on the political road ahead. National Republicans were impressed by how thoroughly he decimated his Trump-orchestrated primary challenge in the governor’s race, ultimately stomping his chief opponent, former Senator David Perdue, by more than 50 points. Post-primary, McConnell hosted Kemp for a cosy breakfast in the Senate dining room. In early September, McConnell was a “special guest” at a Kemp fundraiser in Washington that touted another 16 Republican senators as “featured guests.”
Kemp’s work on behalf of Walker is opening even more doors, helping him forge connections with officials, operatives and donors well beyond Georgia. All of which will come in handy if, say, Kemp decides he wants to run for federal office one day.
And it sure looks as if he might. Not long before Thanksgiving, he filed the paperwork to form a federal super PAC. Named Hardworking Americans Inc., the organisation will help him gain influence — having a pool of political cash tends to raise one’s popularity — and possibly pave his way for a federal campaign.
As it happens, Kemp’s second term ends in 2026, the same year that Jon Ossoff, Georgia’s other Democratic senator, is up for reelection. There is buzz around the state that this would be a logical next step for the governor — and that it is definitely on his mind.
Of course, 2026 is four eternities away in political terms. But Kemp has distinguished himself as his own man, having won on his terms in a party increasingly anxious about the former president’s influence. For those who see Trump as the GOP’s past, Kemp may look appealingly like its future.
Michelle Cottle is a member of the New York Times editorial board.
This article originally appeared in The New York Times.
Written by: Michelle Cottle
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