On the road to freedom

President George W. Bush yesterday threw down the gauntlet to America and the world, serving notice that, despite the setbacks in Iraq, the United States would intensify its efforts to promote freedom and democracy around the globe.

In an inaugural address marked by soaring rhetoric and supreme self-confidence, he began his second term by presenting this campaign for liberty as the only means of prevailing in the "war against terror" that dominated his first four years in office.

"The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands, the best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world. America's vital interests and our deepest beliefs are now one."

Bush delivered his 20-minute speech from the traditional rostrum on the steps of the Capitol on a cold but sunny morning, after being sworn into office by a frail William Rehnquist. As the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court offered his congratulations, a 21-gun salute rang out across Washington's great ceremonial mall, packed with tens of thousands of spectators.

To gain their seats, they had to undergo unprecedentedly strict security screening for the first inauguration since September 11, and an occasion which every four years gathers as no other the entire national leadership, from every branch of government, into a single small outdoor space.

Even so, the chants of anti-war protesters - including some who carried coffin-like cardboard boxes to represent US troops who have died in Iraq - could be heard as the President spoke.

Bush will offer more details of his policy in his annual State of the Union address to Congress early next month. But for now, he set out his core philosophy, leaving no doubt of his ambition to go down - however controversial - as one of the great transformational Presidents in American history.

The policy of the US was to "seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture," Bush declared, "with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world."

Democratic reformers who faced repression, jail or exile, would be regarded by the US as future leaders of their countries. But Bush warned that the rulers of "outlaw regimes" should bear in mind the words of Abraham Lincoln, that those who denied freedom to others did not deserve it for themselves, and "could not long retain it".

The regimes Bush had in mind plainly included those listed by Condoleezza Rice, the incoming Secretary of State, as "outposts of tyranny". Prominent among them are North Korea and, in particular, Iran, whose pursuit of nuclear weapons will constitute a crucial early challenge for the re-elected President.

All was couched in terms of bringing freedom to the oppressed and the words "liberty" and "freedom" occurred no less than 42 times in a speech that dealt with America's own domestic problems almost as an afterthought.

The US, Bush promised, would not impose its own version of democracy on others. The institutions that emerged in countries that became free "may reflect customs and traditions very different from our own". America's role was to "help others find their own voice ... and make their own way".

To allies who complained of arrogance and unilateralism on the part of the first Bush Administration, and opposed the 2003 invasion of Iraq, Bush made a ritual nod in the direction of improving ties. "We honour your friendship, we rely on your counsel and we depend on your help," he said, giving a taste of the message he will carry to his summit with European Union leaders in Brussels next month.

Bush made clear he would order military action if necessary to defend allies or stave off a perceived threat to US national security. But "this is not primarily the task of arms," he added, implying that the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq were the exception, not the rule.

However, all Bush's confidence and ringing language could not conceal the fact that the US is politically and culturally divided. Only at the end of his address, and in the most cursory fashion, did he urge unity at home. Hours before he spoke, a New York Times poll gave Bush a meagre 49 per cent approval rating, very low for an incumbent embarking on a second term and well short of the 60 per cent or more ratings enjoyed by both Bill Clinton and Ronald Reagan at the same point in their presidencies.

These divisions, coupled with the conflicting feelings that Bush personally arouses, and the fierce partisan rivalry between Democrats and Republicans on Capitol Hill, mean that his goals, both at home and abroad, may be difficult to achieve.

In foreign policy, barring further traumatic terrorist attacks, it will be hard to rally cross-party support for any new military campaign, in Iran or elsewhere. On the domestic front, the battle-lines have already been drawn on Bush's unusually ambitious agenda, focused on the reform of the tax and social security systems.

He served notice of his intention to establish an "ownership society," embracing low taxes, a smaller role for government - even though public spending has grown rapidly under his stewardship - and the part-privatisation of social security.

Bush argued that the counterpart of freedom abroad was extended freedom at home. "We will widen the ownership of homes and businesses, retirement savings and health insurance - preparing our people for the challenges of life in a free society, making every citizen an agent of his or her own destiny."

Most divisive of all could be the nomination of Justices to the Supreme Court, whose make-up has not changed for nearly 11 years - a period unmatched since the 19th century.

Epitomising the changes ahead was the sight of Rehnquist, stooped and walking with the aid of two sticks as he administered the oath of office. The Chief Justice seems destined to retire within months.

His replacement could trigger a bitter battle that might upset Bush's whole second-term legislative programme.

But the emphasis, as in no other inaugural address since that of John F. Kennedy in 1961, was on foreign affairs, in a speech that seemed directed less to Americans in their own country than to the foreign audience in the four corners of the world.

- INDEPENDENT