Editorial: Time running out for Obama to make mark

There was a telling reaction to President Barack Obama's spirited state-of-the-union address. A CBS instant poll found that 83 per cent approved of the proposals outlined in the speech, but only 42 per cent thought he would be able to accomplish all the goals. That spoke volumes of Americans' pessimism about the President's ability to orchestrate the sweeping change that he promised when he took office a year ago. More fundamentally, it pointed to the constraints placed on every President by America's checks-and-balances political system.

President Obama's response, during a marathon speech, was to flail at virtually every aspect of Washington politicking. He told members of his own party that they held majorities in the House of Representatives and the Senate and were expected to solve problems, not "run for the hills". Republicans, who now have enough votes in the Senate to filibuster his reforms, were told they had a responsibility to govern and show leadership. The Supreme Court was scolded for its decision-making.

Clearly, his conclusion that the American people had a deficit of trust in Government, allied to a focus on creating jobs, struck a chord. Yet so, too, had the candidate who promised the American people so much. The CBS poll indicated many of them now think he is all rhetoric and no action. That, in fact, he has been quick to fall into the Washington way of doing business. The sense of disillusionment can only have been strengthened by the way in which President Obama has been prepared to cut deals behind closed doors to sustain his controversial healthcare reform.

Many of those who have lost faith are victims of the economic downturn, an event that has imposed its own burden on the White House. The exasperation of others is more deep-seated. They are united in railing against the pampered establishment, bailouts of undeserving institutions, no matter how important these were in forestalling a depression, the big-spending White House and a record deficit. Their sense of rebellion is encapsulated in the Tea Party Movement, a populist organisation that helped Republican Scott Brown score an upset victory in the Massachusetts seat of the late Senator Edward Kennedy.

Many had high hopes change was imminent. Indeed, much of President Obama's problem relates to the starry-eyed expectations. He could never hope to live up to these in his term of office, let alone the first year. Further ammunition for his critics will be provided by job-creation programmes, which will mean increased spending. But he has little choice if he wishes to make a dent in a jobless rate of 10 per cent. Indeed, unless more people find work amid an economic resurgence, there is every chance the Democrats will lose their hold on Congress in November's mid-term elections.

That, in itself, would be a remarkable turnaround from the wrath directed at the Republicans in the 2006 and 2008 elections. But it would be no surprise. Americans are fond of reasserting congressional authority whenever they are concerned about excessive presidential power or have tired of a President. Somewhat ironically, President Obama has been happy to indulge Congress, rather than take it on. This has caused many of his initiatives to stall. It was pointless of him to chide the Republicans. They are bound to keep heaping pressure on him.

The President sought to address that when he called for an end to the "tired old battles". This harked back to his 2008 campaign, but was also a cry of defiance. His approach continues to resonate with Americans. Many, however, obviously believe his moment may have already passed. Time is running out for him to change that perception.