Washington is grossly dysfunctional. Most of the blame lies at the feet of the Republican right that hates Obama with a rare passion. But Obama shot to global prominence in 2004 as a uniter not a divider. His 2008 victory, his GFC stimulus in partnership with Ben Bernanke's Federal Reserve, and the passage into law of the most important healthcare reforms in 50 years, were all evidence that "yes, he could".
No more, ever since the Tea Party insurgency helped the Republicans win control of the House of Representatives in 2010. Now they are determined to fight tooth and nail against what they and many voters consider the un-American policy linchpin of Obamacare - mandating that all Americans take out health insurance. They cannot undo the legislation they despise, but they can make and have made forward movement - on anything - extremely difficult and painful for Obama.
The president's ballyhooed gun control push died with barely a whimper in Congress because opposition to Obama's agenda extended beyond the Tea Party, with salt rubbed into the wounds by the recent massacre on a US Navy base near Washington.
Immigration reform is proceeding at best at glacial pace, again with a reasonably broad coalition of Republicans and some conservative or endangered Democrats insisting that the border with Mexico must first be secured by more fences and walls as well as more law enforcement.
Obama's vision of a grand bargain to stabilise the US budget for the long run continues to fall on deaf ears, with big budget deficits projected as far as the eye can see.
Obama was able to modestly increase taxes on millionaires in the run-up to 2012. But no one has the stomach for the much broader and bigger tax hikes the US will need as ever more baby boomers retire.
On the foreign policy front, the government shutdown forced Obama to cancel this week's trip to Asia. That means no Apec, no Asean forum, no East Asian Summit and no progress on the Trans Pacific Partnership for free trade for America's proclaimed "Pacific president".
At the same time, China's assertions of sovereignty in disputed parts of the East and South China seas are unabated, despite repeated US warnings against Chinese maritime aggression.
More generally, crises continue to draw the US back into the Middle East, even if Obama would prefer to focus his strategic gaze on Asia.
Obama has been associated with what became the Arab Spring since at least his 2009 Cairo speech that may well have played a part in inspiring it. After the success of the no-fly zone in Libya Obama supported if not led, Egypt is again unstable and volatile, possibly the result of an old-style military coup with the US sitting on the sidelines.
Syria's bloody civil war is an ongoing disaster. Obama's call to arms after Bashar al-Assad's chemical weapons attack on his own people was met with a divided Congress, a no vote from the United States' "special relationship" partner, Britain, and a weak United Nations deal brokered by Vladimir Putin. Leadership from behind, say Obama's critics.
Who knows if Obama's phone call with his new seemingly moderate counterpart in Iran will lessen its nuclear ambitions. Certainly Benjamin Netanyahu doesn't think so, while Israel continues openly to defy Obama's call to end settlement building in Palestinian territory.
Obama's legacy will no doubt be debated for decades. An extraordinary orator who saved the US and the world from another Depression, ended George Bush's much hated wars and enacted the biggest healthcare reforms in 50 years. A pretty good record, but mostly in his first term. Even Obama's biggest boosters are not confident he will add materially to this list before he leaves the Oval Office.
All second term presidents become lame ducks at some point. But recent events at home and abroad suggest Obama's requiem may come sooner than we could ever have imagined.
Geoffrey Garrett is dean of the Australian school of business at the University of New South Wales.
theconversation.edu.au
