"They have done everything to give themselves an upper hand," said Supalak Ganjanakhundee, editor of the Nation newspaper and a longtime observer of Thai politics. "It has all the advantages to continue a structure where they are the at the centre of power, with the monarchy."
This reality has left pro-democracy forces - dominated by those aligned with the still-powerful ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra - scrambling across the country to pump up supporters, hoping they will turn out in the millions to deliver a them enough votes to thwart the military's agenda.
"We will make history by ending the power of the [military government]," said Sudarat Keyuraphan, leader the main Thaksin-aligned party, Pheu Thai, before thousands of supporters at a rally in Bangkok on Friday. "Give Pheu Thai a winning landslide."
Parties like hers have dominated at the ballot box for almost two decades, but have been repeatedly thwarted from exercising power through corruption charges levelled at Thaksin - who now lives outside Thailand - and his family.
Ahead of the elections, the military-run government has changed voting rules making it more difficult for any one party to clinch a decisive victory - seen as a direct way to counter their consistent and sweeping election wins.
But the Thaksin forces were dealt a blow even before campaigns went into full gear.
In a bold and risky political move, one of the parties aligned with the fugitive former prime minister picked Thai princess Ubolratana Rajakanya as their candidate for prime minister.
The unprecedented political play was swiftly shot down by the Thai king, the princess' younger brother, who called the move "extremely inappropriate." The party, Thai Raksa Chart, was later dissolved.
"I had every aspiration and dream to become the first minority to walk down to the Thai parliament. Sadly, that's gone down the drain for now," one of the group's leaders and former editor of the Bangkok Post Umesh Pandey said in an interview in Washington this week. He was forced to step down from the helm of the paper last year, he says, because he was too critical of the military.
The loss could cripple the Thaksin camp from forming a government. In line with new rules, the junta has handpicked 250 unelected senators, forming a third of the total seats in the legislature.
That means parties aligned with the military will only have to win 126 of the 500 elected seats to push through their nominee for prime minister.
"[You need] 376 seats to put in a person of your choice for the prime minister's office," Pandey said. "That will be a herculean task."
Pro-democracy forces will likely get a boost from the fresh-faced charismatic leader of a new political party, the Future Forward Party.
Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, a billionaire who gave up his place in his family's massive auto parts business to run the party, has amassed a dedicated young fan club since he came on the scene a year ago. He has vowed to fight for the end of military rule in Thailand, and says he will be open to an alliance with any party with the same goals.
"What Thanathorn has done is stunning," Pandey said. "He has rejuvenated the interests of the young - the 20 to 30-year-olds," many of whom are first-time voters.
The man they are collectively up against is Prayuth Chan-ocha, junta leader and Thailand's current Prime Minister. He is running as the prime ministerial candidate for the main military-aligned political party, Palang Pracharat, which has promised stability and continuity - a reference to the violence and bloody protests that have rocked Bangkok for decades.
"We have been created expressly to give the people a new choice," said Kobsak Pootralkool, the party's spokesman, in an interview. "We are telling them, you can have a way out from this trap of eternal conflict, and that the existing parties are part of the conflict."
The message has appealed to some Thais, but analysts note that the party's rallies are thin and lackluster compared to the feverish support of Pheu Thai or Thanathorn's young followers.
Prayuth has made his own attempt to charm followers, softening his look by opting for polo shirts and slacks or tailored suits rather than military fatigues. He writes love songs and sings them at rallies, always with nationalistic undertones. Campaign videos show him sporting a relaxed look, with rolled up sleeves, as soft rock music plays in the background.
And in his final rally before supporters in Bangkok, he said he plans to "carry on" his duty.
"I was a soldier. Now, I am a citizen," he said. Still, "I will die for this country."
