KEY POINTS:
BELFAST - Ian Paisley and Gerry Adams did not shake hands yesterday: they had no need to, since their manner of signalling they are ready to go into government together produced an even more telling and forceful image.
The substance of what they said was breathtaking enough, but the way they did it was even more phenomenal: they sat calmly side-by-side, exuding a sense of purpose and the intention of doing serious business together.
The picture of Belfast's two commanding political figures, flanked by their senior lieutenants, carried a subliminal but unambiguous message: that after 3700 deaths the Troubles are over and real politics can begin.
The two warriors of the Troubles believe they can work together. The statements they delivered in the ornate surroundings of a Stormont dining-room were exquisitely crafted to avoid giving anyone offence.
The big news they contained was that Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party will be going into government together, launching a new era and underpinning the peace process with a political foundation.
But even more striking was the absence of accompanying threats or conditions - no begrudgery, no condemnations, no blame game. The two listened carefully and politely to each other, conveying something new in Belfast politics - mutual respect.
For many months London, Dublin, Washington, republicans and just about everyone else have pressed Paisley to go for powersharing with Sinn Fein.
He has finally done so, and done so handsomely, with no hint of reservation or even tension. Until now he has not even spoken to Adams or any Sinn Fein representative, leading some to assume that no breakthrough could be expected at their first encounter.
But a breakthrough came, and the image of it will take its place among key moments in other peace processes throughout the world.
Many in Belfast reacted with a mixture of shock and awe: shock that the leaders of loyalism and republicanism should have struck a deal, awe that it had been done without histrionics but in such a business-like manner.
Paisley announced the timetable for devolution with a phrase no one has ever heard him use before: "Today we have agreed with Sinn Fein that this date will be Tuesday 8th May 2007," he said. He added: "We must not allow our justified loathing of the horrors and tragedies of the past to become a barrier to creating a better and more stable future." The two statements were studiously symmetrical.
Adams provided an echo by accepting that "the relationships between the people of this island have been marred by centuries of discord, conflict, hurt and tragedy." He continued: "The discussions and agreement between our two parties shows the potential of what can now be achieved." The sense of mutual satisfaction was also evident in London and Dublin, with the two governments cock-a-hoop at what they say as the successful slotting-in of the last piece of a jigsaw which has taken a painstaking decade to put together.
British Prime Minister Tony Blair said proudly: "Everything we have done over the last 10 years has been a preparation for this moment," while Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern lauded the deal as having "the potential to transform the future of this island."
Although long anticipated, the actual accomplishment of an agreement for government caused near-incredulity on the streets of Belfast. A common observation was that wonders would never cease. Although a devolved Administration was expected at some stage, many wondered how well it could function if Paisley maintained his no-talk stance.
As First Minister he would in particular be expected to work alongside Martin McGuinness, who accepted the post of Deputy First Minister after being nominated by Sinn Fein.
Paisley has now specifically said that he will have regular meetings with McGuinness. Many will watch with fascination to see what relationship may develop between the Protestant patriarch and the one-time IRA commander.
But if yesterday's Paisley-Adams performance is anything to go by, the expected friction may be less than anticipated, given that the two men have spent a full generation eyeing each other from opposite ends of the political spectrum.
A key moment came when the DUP grew to become the largest unionist party, a position which meant Paisley would get to be First Minister in any new Administration. This gave him the chance of moving on from perpetual opposition.
Earlier this month in elections to the Assembly, his party scored a triumphant victory, banishing candidates who opposed powersharing. Paisley was able to go into government with a united party and indeed a united Protestant electorate behind him, a level of support which gave him the confidence to do business with his lifelong foes.
- INDEPENDENT
