A new statue of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, the British colonial official who is considered to have founded modern Singapore. Photo / Ore Huiying, the New York Times
Founder’s statue sparks debate on colonial legacy and the racial inequities that persist.
There is another difference, too: Singapore has clung to honouring its former colonial ruler – and it wants to keep doing so.
Special accolade has gone to Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, who is considered to have founded modern Singapore in the early 1800s.
For decades, Singapore’s textbooks credited Raffles with transforming the island from a “sleepy fishing village” into a thriving seaport. He has been the central character in a larger official narrative that says imperial Britain had set up Singapore for success as an independent nation.
Dedications to Raffles dot the landscape of Singapore. A business district, schools, and dozens of other buildings bear his name. Two 2.5m likenesses of the man loom large in downtown Singapore.
But a new statue of Raffles, installed in a park in May, has revived a debate about the legacy of colonialism in Singapore.
On one side is the broader establishment, which has held up British colonial rule positively. On the other are those who want a closer inspection of the empire that Raffles represented and the racial inequity he left behind, even as Singapore became wealthy.
This divide has surfaced before, perhaps most prominently a few years ago when Singapore celebrated the bicentennial of Raffles’ arrival on the island.
Now, the new statue has set off a fresh debate, with critics pointing out that other countries have for years been taking down monuments to historical figures associated with slavery or imperialism, or both.
“The thing about Raffles is that, unfortunately I think, it has been delivered as a hagiography rather than just history,” said Alfian Sa’at, a playwright who wants to see Raffles’ statues destroyed. “It’s so strange – the idea that one would defend colonial practice. It goes against the grain on what’s happening in many parts of the world.”
The new statue of Raffles stands next to one of his friend Nathaniel Wallich, a Danish botanist, at Fort Canning Park.
Tan Kee Wee, an economist who pooled US$330,000 ($528,000) with his siblings to commission the statues, said he wanted to commemorate the pair’s role in founding Singapore’s first botanic gardens, which were his frequent childhood haunt. He donated the sculptures in his parents’ name to the National Parks Board.
Opponents have also criticised the Government for allowing the statue to go up at the park because it was the site of the tomb of precolonial Malay kings. The parks board said it considered historical relevance in the installation of the sculptures.
Questions about the statue have even been raised in Singapore’s Parliament. In June, Desmond Lee, the Minister for National Development, responded to one by saying that Singapore did not glorify its colonial history. At the same time, Lee added, “we need not be afraid of the past”.
The plaque for the Raffles statue explains how Singapore’s first botanic gardens “cultivated plants of economic importance, particularly spices”. That, critics said, was a euphemism for their actual purpose: cash crops for the British Empire.
Tan defended the legacy of British colonialists in Singapore, saying they “didn’t come and kill Singaporeans”.
He added: “Singapore was treated well by the British. So why all this bitterness?”
But colonial Britain was far from benign. For instance, it treated non-white residents of Singapore as second-class citizens. Raffles created a town plan for Singapore that segregated people into different racial enclaves. And he did not interact with the locals, said Kwa Chong Guan, a historian.
“He was very much a corporate company man, just concerned with what he assumed to be the English East India Co.’s interests,” Kwa said.
Raffles landed in Singapore in 1819 as Britain was looking to compete with the Dutch in the Malacca Strait, a crucial waterway to China. At the time, Singapore was under the sway of the kingdom of Johor in present-day Malaysia.
Raffles exploited a succession dispute in Johor to secure a treaty that allowed the East India Company to set up a trading post in Singapore.
Within a handful of years, Singapore was officially a British territory. Convict labour, largely from the Indian subcontinent, was crucial to its economic development. So, too, were Chinese immigrants, which included wealthy traders and poor labourers.
Singapore achieved self-governance in 1959, then briefly joined Malaysia before becoming an independent republic in 1965. It has since built one of the world’s most open economies and among its busiest ports, as well as a bustling regional financial hub.
In recent years, the Government has acknowledged, in small ways, the need to expand the narrative of Singapore’s founding beyond Raffles. Its textbooks now reflect that the island was a thriving centre of regional trade for hundreds of years before Raffles arrived.
In 2019, officials cast the commemoration of Raffles’ arrival as also a celebration of others who built Singapore. A Raffles statue was painted over as if to disappear into the backdrop.
Placed next to it, though only for the duration of the event, were four other sculptures of early settlers, including that of Sang Nila Utama, a Malay prince who founded what was called Singapura in 1299.
To some historians and intellectuals, such gestures are merely symbolic and ignore the reckoning Singapore needs to have with its colonial past.
British rule introduced racist stereotypes about non-whites, such as that of the “lazy” Malay, an Indigenous group in Singapore, that has had a lasting effect on public attitudes. Colonialism led to racial divisions that, in many ways, persist to this day in the city-state that is now dominated by ethnic Chinese.
“If you only focus on one man and the so-called benevolent aspect of colonialism, and you don’t try to associate or think about the negative part too much, isn’t that a kind of blindness, or deliberate amnesia?” said Sai Siew Min, an independent historian.
Race relations played a role in Raffles’ ascension in Singaporean lore. Soon after Singapore became independent, the governing People’s Action Party – which remains in power decades later – decided to officially declare Raffles the founder of Singapore.
Years later, S. Rajaratnam, who was then the foreign minister, said that anointing a Malay, Chinese, or Indian as its founder would have been fraught.
“So we put up an Englishman – a neutral, so there will be no dissension,” Rajaratnam said.
The decision was also meant to indicate that Singapore remained open to the West and free markets.
In a 1983 speech, Rajaratnam acknowledged that Raffles’ attitude towards the “non-white races was that without British overlordship the natives would not amount to much”.
Critics of the Raffles’ statues also argue that his legacy should reflect his time on the island of Java. Although Raffles outlawed slavery in Singapore, he allowed trading of slaves in Java, including children as young as 13, according to Tim Hannigan, who wrote a book about Raffles.
The new statues of Raffles and Wallich were created by Andrew Lacey, a British artist. The sculptures evoke the two men as apparitions – symbolism that Lacey said represented the world’s evolution away from the West.
Lacey said he had “wrangled” with the public reaction towards his sculptures and he had no qualms if Singaporeans wanted to take them down, destroy them or replace their heads with the Malay gardeners who were instrumental in creating the botanic gardens.
“I was cognizant of the complexities of making any dead white male,” he said of Raffles. “I wasn’t cognizant of the degree of complexity around him.”