"I know Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy would be delighted to receive Luxon with the official visit in Kyiv next year." Photo / AFP
"I know Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy would be delighted to receive Luxon with the official visit in Kyiv next year." Photo / AFP
Opinion by Vasyl Myroshnychenko
THREE KEY FACTS
In the 1000 days since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, thousands of civilians have been killed and the country’s energy capacity is on the brink of collapse, the United Nations says.
Civilian infrastructure has been “decimated”, with over 2000 attacks now on healthcare facilities and two million damaged homes.
In total, 65% of Ukraine’s own energy production capacity has been destroyed as winter approaches.
Vasyl Myroshnychenko is the Ukrainian ambassador to New Zealand and Australia.
OPINION
Today marks the 1000th day of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and it is important to reflect on Ukraine-New Zealand relations, the war’s significance in the region of New Zealand and the outlook going forward.
From the outset of what Russian President Vladimir Putin wrongly predicted would be a three-day “special military operation”, New Zealand has been a steadfast friend of Ukraine and, for that, my government is grateful.
This spans New Zealand’s supply of some $130 million in military-related aid and humanitarian assistance; deployment of key New Zealand military personnel to train and otherwise support Ukraine’s military; substantive sanctions regime against Russian economic interests, including blocking the importation of products; and strategic alignment and co-operation on the political, diplomatic and legal fronts with Ukraine’s other allies.
I wish to note two specific aspects in relation to New Zealand’s aid and actions for Ukraine. First, while proportionate to the risks Russia’s invasion represents, that aid and action is generous compared to New Zealand’s size and capability. Secondly, it has occurred with the support of all of New Zealand’s major political parties and the many Kiwis who constantly wish me well.
Here, let me directly thank Prime Minister Christopher Luxon and Foreign Minister Winston Peters, the latter of whom has rightly said New Zealand has “done its best to assist and help out”. I agree.
While Ukraine’s fight is certainly for its national sovereignty and territorial integrity, New Zealand’s leaders recognise it is also about defending the global principles New Zealand has long championed: democracy, universal human rights, and an international rules-based order.
I note the relevance of New Zealand’s long-standing advocacy of reform of the United Nations Security Council, which improbably includes the murderous and law-breaking Russian Federation.
When New Zealand invests in Ukraine, it should rightly expect that Ukraine aims to deliver a return on those values-based interests of New Zealand. This dimension has been apparent to decision-makers across the duration of the war.
However, what has emerged at the strategic level is the regional security significance of the war. New Zealand leaders are correct in recognising the implications of the war for the Indo-Pacific region. Or, as Luxon recently said: “New Zealand understands that while we are distant from Ukraine, what happens there affects us all, and we are prepared to stand with Ukraine for the long haul.”
Indeed, Russia’s Pacific Ocean coastline, including its naval base there, is much closer to New Zealand’s major trading partners, such as China, Japan and South Korea, than New Zealand is. This suggests a naval and air power risk to New Zealand’s maritime trade and its vital trading partners – and the imperative of mitigating that risk.
The bottom line, as one stakeholder recently said, is a perception of weakness on the part of Western democracies towards Russian aggression will serve to embolden other authoritarian nations.
What happens to Ukraine, it has become increasingly recognised, has the potential to also happen to other countries closer to New Zealand’s shores and with which New Zealand is strongly integrated in economic and security terms.
If ever this aspect was in doubt, that doubt has dissipated in the last two weeks. It is now confirmed troops of the North Korean dictatorship are actively engaged in combat alongside Russian invaders against Ukraine.
I would therefore argue to my Kiwi friends that Ukraine has, over the last 1000 days, also become a line of forward defence against those bad actors and aggressors who would seek to impose their autocratic will on the Indo-Pacific and Oceania regions.
Ukrainian rescuers working at the site of a missile attack in Zaporizhzhia in September. Photo / Ukrainian Emergency Service
Going forward, Ukraine, for its part, recognises its efforts can and should contribute to regional security and stability in the Indo-Pacific and Oceania regions – thereby, New Zealand’s direct national interests.
It is, of course, in the interests of both New Zealand and Ukraine for the war to end. Each of its 1000 days has been filled with immense tragedy for the Ukrainian people, including the kidnapping of 20,000 Ukrainian children by Russian authorities, a war crime Putin has been formally charged with.
For our part, Zelenskyy has proposed a victory plan to our Western allies. At its heart is the need for Ukraine to be invited to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (Nato) and the security assurances that membership affords. Fundamentally, if Ukraine had been a Nato member 1000 days ago, there would be no war against it, as Putin always backs down in the face of strength. Here, I applaud New Zealand for recently taking strong steps to more closely co-operate with the Nato alliance.
In the interim, as per the victory plan, we continue to need the tools to get the job done.
In response to the changing nature of warfare, Ukraine has recently become the world’s largest manufacturer of drones and is always growing its military capability. However, given Russia’s sheer scale, the ongoing assistance of our allies is vital. Historically, wars are partly won by technology and production, and the aid of capable partners such as New Zealand remains a critical component of battlefield advantage, momentum and success.
Rescuers work to extinguish a fire in a house following a Ukrainian drone attack in the village of Stanovoye, in Russia's Moscow region, on November 10. Photo / AFP
The other extremely important part of winning a war is a shared vision and commitment. Our Western partners have before them the strategic challenge of not only standing with Ukraine in its defence, but committing to the defeat of the world’s single biggest threat – Putin’s expansionism and its mafia methods.
Such vision is in stark contrast to suggestions of Ukraine somehow swapping land – and its citizens – for a cessation of hostilities. “Territory for terror” is an unacceptable policy that would mean the murder of thousands of Ukrainians, while emboldening other incursions across the globe.
One thousand days into this illegal and brutal war, Ukrainians want peace more than anyone else. We know the best way to achieve it is to ensure Russia’s absolute failure in its nefarious objectives.
If there is one thing we need more than anything else, it is for our friends around the world – including here in New Zealand – to share our absolute belief in victory rather than appeasement.
