The Herald has interviewed the leaders of all three parties about the coalition, their relationships, and how the dynamic could change ahead of the 2026 election.
While he admits his past coalitions have had varying degrees ofsuccess, Peters believes his current arrangement with National and Act is progressing well.
“All coalitions are difficult and you’ve got to, how shall I put it, compromise,” Peters told the Herald.
“You’ve got to meet people halfway and try to make things work and that’s what we’ve done. I think in that respect, it’s been very successful.”
In perhaps a more gleeful fashion than Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, Peters is quick to point out the coalition has not disintegrated as some commentators and political opponents suspected.
“Some coalitions are more difficult than others ... this is, of course, a coalition where a number of the players had no political experience and that’s not a criticism, that’s just a fact.
“It’s one year into a three-year term, it’s a work in progress but it’s belied the predictions of all the political experts, hasn’t it?”
Peters said the past 12 months far exceeded what he experienced with Ardern in 2017-2020 — hardly a surprise, given he and his party were subsequently booted into the political wilderness amid the so-called red wave that led to Labour becoming the first party under MMP popular enough to govern alone.
Asked why the current arrangement was such an improvement, Peters spoke of Luxon’s “grasp of how business works”.
“When I was trying to deal with the Labour Party, I thought they would understand that they didn’t understand business and they would listen.
“Now, I’m talking to somebody who understands about business, who’s got practical experience in business.”
Peters has responded in kind, calling Seymour a “political cuckold from Epsom” and comparing him to a chihuahua barking at the front gate.
The comments gave fodder for Labour’s attacks before and following the election, claiming Seymour and Peters would run circles around a relatively inexperienced Luxon.
And yet, as if by divine intervention, the verbal warfare has disappeared since being in Government together, replaced with a general air of courtesy.
Again, Peters would not be drawn on the apparent newfound respect.
“Look, for the umpteenth time, you shake hands with somebody, you do the deal, then stick to it.
“Ask Jim Bolger and Helen Clark whether I stick to my word. That’s my bona fides.”
On the coalition’s successes so far, Peters cites the Government’s efforts to cut down on “bad expenditure” across the public sector to the tune of $1.5b per year, led by Willis as Public Service Minister.
Peters notes the coalition is yet to turn those cuts into “wise expenditure” that would advance infrastructure and wealth creation — a nod to the $100 billion future fund policy Peters announced at his party’s annual conference last month.
While he had previously suggested the policy could turn into legislation before the House this year, Peters is keeping quiet on its progress except to claim “serious enthusiasm” from National.
“Not being difficult here, but you shouldn’t forecast to other parties or other players in politics what your next discussion is going to be, that’s a sure way to build distrust.”
Believed to be the largest protest ever to Parliament, its participants oppose the Government’s policies relating to Te Tiriti o Waitangi.
Peters says he won’t accept blame for helping cause the nationwide hīkoi, claiming it’s in response to Seymour’s Treaty Principles Bill.
That’s despite the protest organisers explaining the broader purpose is to highlight all threats to Te Tiriti, including NZ First’s policy to replace or repeal references to the Treaty principles in legislation.
Peters has remained consistent in his opposition to Seymour’s bill, often citing a well-worn list of historical Māori leaders that rolls off his tongue as smoothly as “this isn’t my first rodeo”.
“The very thing that I’ve argued my whole career and backing with people like Ngata, Pomare, Buck and Carroll, famous Māori politicians far closer to the event, far better judicial minds, is that the Treaty has no principles.
“So here comes someone [Seymour] and I don’t know whether it’s inexperience or what, [it’s] not a criticism, but why on earth would you do the one thing that these serious Māori leaders said was not the case? See what circus we’ve got ourselves in?”
As coalition negotiations lagged post-election, much was made of the power the smaller parties held to demand concessions from National, such as the Treaty Principles Bill.
Peters, who often claims the media is biased against his party, suggests National and NZ First could’ve formed a Government without Act, had they been given a “fair go”.
The question hung over much of 2024 as Luxon refused to address it.
A week out from early voting starting with polls showing his preferred National/Act combo was hanging on by a thread, Luxon conceded he would “pick up the phone to Mr Peters” if necessary.
Peters argues coverage stalled his party’s rise in the polls. A Taxpayer’s Union/Curia poll in July put NZ First climbing to 7.3% before it fell to 6% by October 14.
In 2026, Peters has set his sights on doubling the party’s vote or better, but refuses to elaborate on the potential of National and NZ First cutting out Act next time around.
“No, we’re not going to unveil our political plans to the New Zealand media.”
Despite being considered the heart and soul of NZ First, Peters has been less visible as party leader in the past 12 months, largely owing to a packed travel schedule as Foreign Minister.
But NZ First supporters have hardly gone without Peters’ confrontational style, replicated in spades by the verbose de facto deputy party leader Shane Jones.
His emphatic addresses in the House and to any protester willing to confront him, which attract hundreds of thousands of eyes online, often reference the demise of “Freddie the frog”, for whom Jones shows no remorse as critics decry the potential impact of infrastructure projects on animal and plant life.
Peters initially baulks when asked if he’s had to rein in his deputy, who Peters claims is “doing his best to get provincial New Zealand going”.
Peters soon revises his answer when reminded he, in September, agreed with Attorney General Judith Collins that Jones calling a judge a “communist” was inappropriate.
“Well, sometimes you just got to say, ‘Hey, mate, that’s enough, you can’t say that, you’re a minister, the separation of powers doesn’t allow you to say that’, but that’s the only time.”
Peters reveals he’s also tried to temper Jones’ enthusiasm for Freddie’s extinction, saying he could have “a cure for cancer one day”.
“I did say to Shane, ‘You could have said, look we’re going to move Freddie to a [nice] place where they can survive with no threat whatsoever, that’s what we’ll do for Freddie’.
“A lot of people are still learning the technique of this game called politics ... people can be over-enthusiastic and make comments, but at the same time, no one’s perfect.”
While Jones presents as a natural successor for 79-year-old Peters, the man who first became an MP in 1978 says he will again put himself before the electorate in 2026: “Yes, God-willing, I’m going to be standing.”
He maintains the party is the best prepared it’s been heading into the next election and suggests NZ First will target workers, who traditionally formed a core of Labour’s support.
“[Labour MPs have] never known what poverty smells, tastes, feels like, they’re never gonna relate to working people,” Peters claims.
“Now, our job is to make sure that working people understand how disconnected they are from the former party they used to rightfully support.”
While division within the coalition has been rare relative to early predictions, Peters is under no illusions concerning his approach come election year.
“I can’t say it’s every man for himself because that would be not new age.
“It’s every human being for themselves, politically speaking, in 2026. We all understand that.
“In 2026, my concern is to ensure that we’ve got a machine that is in the best shape that we’ve ever had it and getting out a message in a most difficult media environment because we have outsmarted them and outsmart them we will.”
Asked if his approach could be described as open warfare, Peters feels that won’t win votes.
“But clearly stating your position and connecting with the people of this country who have the power after all is going to work.”
Adam Pearse is a political reporter in the NZ Herald Press Gallery team, based at Parliament. He has worked for NZME since 2018, covering sport and health for the Northern Advocate in Whangārei before moving to the NZ Herald in Auckland, covering Covid-19 and crime.