Around the world at the moment there's a resurgence of a radical liberalism that is often characterised as "political correctness". Sometimes termed "identity politics", "social liberalism", "call out culture", and said to be the province of "social justice warriors", it is mostly associated with the political left - although plenty on the political right, and even within the establishment, are also keen to embrace this type of liberal radicalism.
To its detractors, it's a faux-radicalism, whereby participants get to proclaim their own virtue by being "politically correct" - hence the term "virtual signalling", recently used by Prime Minister Bill English when suggesting why he thought some politicians were keen to call themselves feminists, while he wasn't.
Much of the politically correct culture of activism and conflict concentrates on advancing the plight of those oppressed or disadvantaged by gender and ethnicity. So, there are certainly important and worthy goals at the heart of this liberal radical form of politics. Ending discrimination and inequality is something most of us can agree about the value of. Yet a problem arises when this form of radical liberal politics demands less debate, and less diversity of thought.
Central to the concept of political correctness is the idea that there is one universal truth, or one correct way to think and talk about something contentious in society. Hence when Race Relations Commissioner Susan Devoy gets accused of being "politically correct" she points out "I'm actually just being correct".
Authoritarian liberals
So, have liberals become the new reactionaries? There's certainly an argument to be made that liberals have become intolerant of ideological diversity. And although censorship used to be the way of the conservatives, it's now is increasingly favoured by liberals.
This is the theme of Karl du Fresne's latest column - written just prior to Paul Moon's open letter - in which he points out that although liberals in the 1960s made universities into free speech beacons, nowadays "many universities overseas have become repressive environments where political debate is shut down and anyone daring to challenge ideological orthodoxy is intimidated into silence" - see: University campuses not the liberal home they used to be.
He points to campus changes involving "safe spaces" ("where students are protected from hearing opinions that offend them"), "no platform" policies in which those deemed to be racist or fascist - who decides? - are banned from speaking at universities, and "trigger warnings" ("where lecturers are required to advise students in advance of any material they might find upsetting"). Similarly, see du Fresne's earlier column, All this cultural appropriation must stop.
It's not just on the campuses that free speech is under threat according to Heather du Plessis-Allan, who says it's everywhere: "the same shouting-down is happening, leaving many in the workplace scared of being labelled racist or sexist. In just the past few years, there have been well-publicised dramas over words or ideas that offended someone" - see: Being offensive is not a crime.
She goes on to briefly defend subjects of recent criticism such as the Mad Butcher, Lewis Road Milk, and former Massey University Chancellor Chris Kelly. du Plessis-Allan suggests that "The perceived errors are small errors, if errors at all. They are not hate speech and they are not worthy of public body slams. We will all be offended at some point and mostly we just have to suck that up."
Although the Human Rights Commission has backed down from the idea of pushing for new hate crime laws, du Plessis-Allan warns that "the shutting down of unpopular views is still a trigger constantly waiting to be pulled." She sees this increase in outrage culture as largely a product of Twitter and other online activism: "There are complex reasons why these shout-downs are happening, but some of it at least has to do with social media. There was a time when the thin-skinned among us would have had their hurts moderated by the crowd, but now they have found like-minded people on Facebook and Twitter. They validate each other and draw the courage to protest."
Columnist Richard Swainson agrees, arguing a narcissism drives those on Twitter to express their righteous and sanctimonious offence, in which "the personal emotional response to a perceived transgression of some precious social norm is deemed more important than the principle of freedom" - see: Defending Bob Jones' right to be rude and Geoffrey Palmer's right to be dull. Hence, "The culture of "being offended" smothers expression at every turn."
Swainson puts it down to the PC-type culture demanding conformity, and parodies what he sees as the conformist authoritarianism of liberals: "because I find this offensive, you should immediately cease, desist and emphatically apologise. Fall into line or they'll be hell to pay. Racists and sexists must be rooted out. Death to the slut shamers and the fat shamers. All Donald Trump apologists shall be put to the sword. Conform. Conform. Conform."
He also argues that these activists are faux-radicals or faux-leftists in that they are more concerned with chasing shadows than the real causes of inequality or discrimination: "It is ironic that most of these pseudo political rantings and the resulting folk censorship work on such a surface level that the structural underpinnings of real inequality and injustice are usually missed. Why bother critiquing the policies and philosophies of neo-liberalism when you can rail against the use of photoshop in taking a couple of inches off a supermodel's thighs? Superficial outrage works hand in hand with substantive indifference."
And ironically, despite being liberal, such practitioners end up pushing quite authoritarian solutions: "A far more bitter irony is that police themselves have called for an extension of their powers with regard to so-called 'hate speech'. Any move in this direction is truly a more toward fascism. Given their inherent conservatism, a society where the police have the leeway to determine what is or is not acceptable in terms of political discourse is a recipe for disaster." See also Swainson's January column So much offence is taken that issues are not seriously explored.
Looking at where hate speech legislation has been implemented in Canada, Narelle Henson reports that it hasn't worked out as intended, and she argues that any such attempts to legislate against hateful ideas is dangerous and inherently restrictive of freedom - see: Hate speech laws threaten right to freedom of speech.
For Hensen, the lessons of Canada are that definitions of hate speech become very subjective, and "when you try to apply these laws, all sorts of people get swept up in them who were simply trying to express or argue a point of view. In the end you find the laws are just being used by different groups in society to try to control each other."