KEY POINTS:
National Party president Judy Kirk doesn't want their chances sabotaged again by the unmasking of faceless Brethren as secret funders of attack advertising against its opponents, as happened in the 2005 election.
The Brethren is believed to have spent between $500,000 and $1 million slagging off the Greens and Labour in a series of newspaper advertisements last time round.
But National has politely (but firmly) told them to take a running jump this year.
Kirk and campaign manager Steven Joyce chime "No. No. No and no" when asked separately about renewed Brethren overtures. "The leader [John Key] banned them," says Joyce. "They've had a clear message sent," says Kirk.
Labour has breathed a sigh of relief that billionaire donor Owen Glenn has skulked off back to Monaco without his Honorary Consulship.
Labour president Mike Williams hasn't wasted any time on Glenn since the billionaire sent him packing from his Mediterranean-based yacht after Williams asked for more funds to follow the $500,000 he'd pumped in at the 2005 campaign.
He's too busy marshalling Labour's army, ranging from party volunteers to union affiliates (even the Australian Labor Party has been drafted in to get the Kiwi vote in there) as he widens his campaign to "get the vote out" across the nation instead of focusing on a few critical electorates. Williams' brilliant organisation ensured Labour got the extra 46,000 party votes so it could nudge National aside and cross the finishing line first in 2005.
But getting bums on seats in Parliament is not cheap.
All the political parties - particularly Labour and National - face funding constraints posed by the Electoral Finance Act (EFA) which have radically changed the way campaigns are run.
Many big business and corporate donors have put away their cheque-books as they want to stay anonymous. Under the new rules, anyone who gives more than $10,000 is named.
National's corporate "bagmen" were former politicians and retired businessmen. Trusties such as former Finance Minister Bill Birch have now made way for a new generation.
Kirk has told her organisers "anonymous" is just not used any more. "We're fund-raising face to face and finding it a better way."
Williams acknowledges the constraints. Labour pulled in $150,000 from an art auction in Auckland and tried to replicate the model in Wellington on Friday night but did not expect to raise as much.
Labour is raking in quite a bit of cash via direct debits from donors' bank accounts, providing an asset against which it can borrow to raise more funds, says Williams.
The upshot is the big parties are now relying more on methods traditionally plumbed by small parties: old-fashioned door-knocking, cottage meetings, and even street corner debates to get their message out - rather than the lengthy advertising blitzes of the past.
Kirk also has an army of volunteers, many of them aged under 40 who feel more in tune with Key than they did with former leader Don Brash.
National's campaign duo believes the electorate is "over Labour" and wants new faces at the top.
Williams rubbishes this.
He believes turmoil on international financial markets will persuade more voters this is not the time to rock the boat by changing to an untried leader.
Maori Party co-leader Tariana Turia is nursing a slight grudge over Williams' direct pitch to Maori voters living in Australia to "vote Labour". Turia claims Williams has spread the line - in New Zealand and Australia - that the Maori Party will line up with National and is really for the rich rather than struggling Maori.
The Maori Party is not actively campaigning in Australia - the 8000 potential Maori votes (many Maori in Australia are ineligible to vote) isn't sufficient to justify using the party's meagre resources.
New Zealand First leader Winston Peters is apoplectic and hates how Helen Clark has taken credit for NZ First policies such as the pensioners' Gold Card.
"While we are delighted to improve the lives of hundreds of thousands of senior citizens, we are not so pleased to have the Labour Party trying to grab the glory. We negotiated those concessions and we did the work."
New Zealand First campaign manager Damian Edwards - who is also Peters' spokesman - doesn't ask questions about funding. After the shenanigans over the privileges committee inquiry into NZ First's disclosures, Edwards judges it politic to butt out on this one.
With more drama yet to play out in front of the Serious Fraud Office, NZ First is anxious to focus elsewhere.
Ironically, Peters is benefiting from all the negative headlines and is trailed by a posse of reporters, giving publicity NZ First couldn't buy.
At Act HQ, long-time strategist Brian Nicolle muses "Labour's Electoral Finance Act" has constrained his party's ability to get lots of funds from anonymous business backers, although businessman Alan Gibbs tossed in $100,000 about the time Sir Roger Douglas announced he would stand on Act's list.
United Future is also ticked off. Its leader Peter Dunne will not get the opportunity to drive United Future's vote up by being seen on screen as a moderating force between Clark and Key.
Many of the minor parties see this election as a jack-up by Labour and National to pave the way for the over-throw of MMP proportional votings.
The Greens appear to be the least affected by the changes.
Campaign manager Gary Reese says the Greens always struggle to raise funds.
"We won't get anywhere near the $2.4 million cap that National and Labour will, in fact, exceed once you add in staff, consultants and polling."
Reese's digital strategy group uses internet sites to get the message out and has just been given approval to use texting for the campaign.
Reese expects more donations from unions and from small business.
