Who would have thought even a few short years ago that the New Zealand Prime Minister would be on the guest list for the nuclear security summit hosted by the President of the United States in Washington? John Key's presence offers further evidence that the anti-nuclear rift of the 1980s is all but mended. It may be too soon for a resumption of visits to New Zealand ports by American warships, but there is an undoubted resonance between this country's anti-nuclear law and President Barack Obama's long-time commitment to a world free of nuclear weapons.
Customarily, the threat of nuclear proliferation has bubbled beneath the surface, acknowledged by all but awarded little real attention by most nations. President Obama's arrival has changed all that. He acknowledges the elimination of nuclear weapons might not happen in his lifetime, but, hearteningly, is more than prepared to make strides along the path.
Last week, the United States signed a new Start treaty with Russia that reduces each country's deployed nuclear arsenal to 1550 weapons. While that had a strong element of symbolism and is yet to be approved by the Senate, it offered a strong message of intent. So, too, did the President's approval of a new US nuclear policy, which included the intent to refrain from nuclear testing and a pledge not to use nuclear weapons against countries that do not possess them. Those who cavilled over there being no promise that the US would never be the first to use nuclear weapons lost sight of the actual concessions.
The next leg of the President's flurry of anti-nuclear activity will be the signing with Russia next week of a long-delayed pact to dispose of tonnes of weapons-grade plutonium from Cold War-era nuclear weapons. That, in turn, will be followed next month by a general review of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. At the moment, however, attention is on the Washington summit, which is being attended by representatives from 47 nations.
A constant grievance of non-nuclear nations has been that, while the non-proliferation treaty denied them the right to acquire nuclear arms, those countries with such weaponry seemed to regard its retention as their right. The importance of President Obama's initiatives, and those of Russia, is that they illustrate a change of attitude by the pair, which possess more than 90 per cent of the world's nuclear weapons between them. Their move towards disarmament provides, in turn, a greater moral authority to address examples of proliferation, real and potential, whether the likes of Iran's nuclear programme or nuclear weaponry becoming part of the arsenal of terrorists.
President Obama said last week that nuclear terrorism posed a graver threat than the risk of war between nuclear nations. He is undoubtedly right, and the crafting of a pact to keep nuclear weapons out of the hands of groups like al Qaeda will be a focus in Washington. Countries are expected to outline how they will prevent the theft or diversion of nuclear materials. This could be achieved by technical means or, more compellingly, by an international convention on nuclear security. The draft summit declaration calls on international action to "prevent and respond to incidents of illicit nuclear trafficking".
President Obama will, of course, have to confront a few harsh realities. One is Israel's disregard of the non-proliferation treaty, and US policy on that. Striking breakthroughs may be hard to achieve. There is no doubt, however, that a tidal change has taken place. An issue treated seriously in New Zealand but taken too lightly in much of the rest of the world is finally at the forefront of international affairs. That can only be good for the chance of genuine progress.
<i>Editorial:</i> Nuclear policy brings us closer to US
Opinion
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