Kim Dotcom is in danger of losing his mojo. From swaggering tycoon to Enemy of the State(s) to popular icon to political wrecking ball, our most famous German resident is edging towards the tipping point of losing public appeal.
There is no doubt he was wronged, gravely, by the New Zealand authorities in their eagerness to please the United States over allegations of copyright crimes. His subsequent legal fight has repeatedly exposed errors and abuses by the police and intelligence services. It shone welcome light on the Government Communications Security Bureau, its inattentive minister and the data-veillance state. His row with John Banks over mayoral campaign donations has already changed national politics, with Mr Banks stepping down as Act leader and from Parliament at the election. His direct case against extradition is yet to be heard but will undoubtedly be persuasively argued.
Where things seem to have unravelled for Mr Dotcom are in his hamfisted efforts to create an anti-John Key political party and in his peculiar capacity to bring reputational damage, by association, to both friend and foe.
The Internet Party has endured an aborted launch function, a leak of a strand of strategic advice and the resignation of a senior officer. This week's acknowledgment from Mr Dotcom that the party would withdraw from the election if it did not reach the 5 per cent party vote threshold and divert its support to an anti-Key party exposed the myopia of its very existence. Ostensibly for internet development and personal freedoms, the Internet Party is really about the unseating of this Prime Minister. The explicit talk of pulling out to assist the defeat of Mr Key confirms what some said from the start: the Dotcom Party would only ever benefit National, by sucking up and wasting a small percentage of non-National votes.
Mr Key remains highly popular. Taking him on mano a mano is audacious, iconoclastic and forlorn. Mr Dotcom's professional wrestling style has hit Mr Key's Administration in the political genitals for nearly two years yet the Prime Minister's approval soars on. The New Zealand voter is not easily swayed by a strategy of playing the man, especially when up to half of voters express personal regard for that man.