Being 30 points behind National in opinion polls puts Labour and its leader under extreme pressure.
David Cunliffe now appears to be issuing apologies all over the place. He's sorry for everything it seems - even supposedly for wearing his vibrant red scarf too much. But the sorry state of the Labour Party is painted even more vividly by rightwing blogger David Farrar in his must-read analysis of what is going on within the party - see: Labour chess. Farrar's speculation suggests that the party is severely divided, with senior politicians focused on internal issues of personal power within the party rather than changing society, or even winning the election. In fact some are suggesting that certain Labour MPs are hoping for a major loss, and perhaps even deliberately helping achieve this. In such a Machiavellian struggle for personal advancement the key players are said to be Grant Robertson, David Parker and David Shearer. See also Farrar's post, The return of Shearer.
If the above analysis reads like self-serving National Party propaganda, it's also worth reading leftwing blogger Danyl Mclauchlan's similar analysis about the factional war within Labour: 'I think what's happening here is that Cunliffe is signalling that he'll stay on as leader after the election. Helen Clark lost an election and stayed, and look how that turned out.' His mechanism for doing so is to bring allies into caucus using the party list. So his enemies - who are electorate MPs - are cheerfully sabotaging their party's campaign to prevent any new list MPs coming in' - see: Strategic defeat.
Labour's problems with distractions and disunity
Many Labour politicians and activists are blaming the media and other outside forces for the party's woes. But Labour's Josie Pagani says this is the wrong approach: 'First, stop blaming the media. The problem isn't 'right wing framing'. There isn't a media conspiracy to get a third term National government. When you fall behind everyone airs their favourite explanation and negatives get repeated and amplified. It's the job of politicians, not media, to inspire a change in the story' - see: What does Labour do now?.
Pagani proposes that the party 'Stop barking at every passing car. We don't need a position on every lifestyle or identity issue in the news cycle. Though Labour tries to talk about core themes, like jobs and smaller class sizes, it can't complain when those subjects get overshadowed by its own policies'. And for further constructive criticism from within Labour's own ranks, see Patrick Leyland's How not to release policy.
Danyl Mclauchlan also pinpoints Labour's inclination to focus on distractions instead of core policy: 'they've spent every day since then talking about either Moas, or banning cosmetics, or Cunliffe's 'man apology', or changing the burden of proof in rape cases, or Kelvin Davis' support for the holiday highway, or te reo in schools - with some Labour MPs supporting this and some opposing - ie they've been talking about pretty much anything other than the huge new policy they just launched. And this incoherent disunity is registering with the electorate' - see: Strategic defeat.
It's this lack of unity that has Newstalk ZB's Felix Marwick comparing the party to a earthquake-damaged house in need of a total rebuild: 'Labour is worse than a house divided; it's a house falling apart. It's a Christchurch red zone home. Its foundations are stuffed, its walls are broken, the roof is a leaking ruin, and its garden is submerged in liquefaction. One seriously wonders if the party would be better off ditching all of its incumbents, replacing them entirely, and starting afresh. If ever a political party needed a fresh slate, it's Labour' - see: Labour's popularity deficit.
The most recent extreme example of this disunity and lack of discipline was when a so-called 'Labour insider' went public with criticism of their leader - see Steve Kilgallon's Skiing holiday puts Cunliffe on slippery slope.
This has some leftwing bloggers up in arms about the state of Labour. No Right Turn labels this A circus of self-mutilation. He says that 'faced with an election they're trying to convince us they need to win or National will privatise your kidneys and sell your children to a charter school, Labour's "senior insiders" are sabotaging their own campaign and focusing on positioning themselves for the post-loss leadership struggle. Why would anyone vote for such a clown-show? More importantly, why would anyone volunteer for them? They're clearly not worth the time and effort'.
A Press editorial says that the 'Labour insider' speaking out recently was obviously aiming to inflict 'the maximum harm' on Cunliffe - see: Cunliffe must bring discipline. Unfortunately for Labour, this action was hardly an aberration: 'It was the latest in a series of stories that has put Labour in the headlines all right, but for all the wrong reasons. From Trevor Mallard wittering on with some harebrained thoughts about the genetic reconstitution of moa, to Kelvin Davis breaking with the party line over a contentious highway in Northland, to a half-baked suggestion about changing the burden of proof in rape trials, to Cunliffe's own cack-handed apology for being a man, the stories are a corrosive distraction from whatever substantive policies Labour is trying to promote. The party's message is being swamped by them'.
Labour candidates are now under intense scrutiny for going 'off-message'. For example, David Farrar has highlighted a Twitter exchange with 'Sue Moroney campaigning for free Moroccan cooking classes' - see: The discipline issue.
There also appears to be a growing backlash on the left against those seen to be sabotaging Labour's campaign. Speculation is rife as to the identity of the anonymous 'Labour insider' speaking out against Cunliffe. Danyl Mclauchlan asks simply, 'Mallard or Hipkins? Probably Mallard'. And there are rumours of threats to expel Trevor Mallard from the Labour caucus and the party. After all, Chris Carter was expelled for causing much less damage than Mallard has done recently.
Even Labour stalwart Lynn Prentice is proposing the need to de-select certain MPs: 'I think that like the list selections, that it is time that every electorate always have a contested selection meeting. In those selection meetings, everything should be raised including reviewing the incumbents and candidates behaviour and airing suspicions about it as part of the Q&A. It is time that the tight group around the LECs stop just rubber stamping the existing MP' - see: Collective renewal.
Other speculation about the 'Labour insider' comes from John Key, who 'has accused Napier Labour candidate Stuart Nash of being a party source quoted in a newspaper article making highly critical comments about Labour leader David Cunliffe' - see Simon Hendery's Nash denies Key's claim he criticised Cunliffe. Nash denies the charge, and says 'I must admit when I read it [the newspaper article quoting the party source], apart from the swearing, it sounds a little bit like me'. Cunliffe is reported as believing 'he knew who it was and was certain it was not a current MP, despite the person being quoted as if they were in caucus. He refused to comment further when asked if he had contacted the person, saying it was between them'
Many on the left obviously feel let down by Cunliffe and Labour. What was supposed to be a bolder 'true red' Labour Party has prevaricated and been ideologically incoherent and inconsistent. Chris Trotter puts this best in his column, Making The Change We Need: The votes Labour needs to win are still out there. He says that leftwing voters are disinclined to be bothered with 'a tortured, internally fractious, ill-disciplined organisation peopled by individuals who clearly loathe one another, and who seemed determined to not only lose the Election of 20 September 2014 - but all subsequent elections'. He reports that 'There is now a widespread feeling that... all those who backed Cunliffe have been duped'. He blames Cunliffe for shifting Labour to the ideological centre, which means that 'Labour's potential supporters feel cheated by their party's perceived backsliding and/or equivocating'.