Maori Party revs up for race ahead

Across the road from the union office of Matt McCarten, last week confirmed in his role as Maori Party strategist, is Auckland's sole Lamborghini dealer.

In its showroom window the average lifetime wage of the workers he represents beckons - lightning yellow and gleaming chrome.

McCarten, a socialist stalwart, nods at the irony. His office was here first, he says.

The gulf is symbolic of the disparity in resources between the well-oiled political machine of the Labour Party and the fledgling Maori Party.

And it will be a head-to-head stoush between the two - National and New Zealand First look unlikely to contest the Maori seats. A Mark 4 Zephyr up against a sleek Lamborghini Diablo.

But the day after the Maori Party's annual conference, McCarten is, as might be expected, brimming with confidence about the prospect of wrenching "at least" the seven Maori seats from Labour's grasp.

His upbeat approach was fortified at West Auckland's Hoani Waititi marae, where around 300 delegates and supporters turned out last weekend. There was plenty of enthusiasm, and wide media coverage of co-leader Tariana Turia's disclosure that she had received racist hate mail.

Her co-leader, Pita Sharples, normally the more even-tempered of the party's leaders, charged into controversial terrain, labelling Labour's Maori MPs traitors and sounding a call to arms. What was absent from the coverage was much detail about party policy.

McCarten says the coverage was selective and plenty of work was done on key policy and candidate selection. He acknowledges a slowing of momentum for the party in recent months and accepts that with the controversial foreshore and seabed legislation now passed, the party needs to expand its platform.

However, a Marae DigiPoll survey taken in the past three months shows the party continues to rate well in all Maori electorates, barring that held by sidelined Tamaki Makarau MP John Tamihere.

Based on a November poll, if an election was held today the Maori Party would take five of the seven seats, leaving just Nanaia Mahuta's Tainui and Tamihere's Tamaki Makarau to Labour.

The party has also maintained a consistent showing in national polls, figuring at 1.9 per cent in this week's Herald-DigiPoll.

There are indications that the wave of outrage and Maori pride following the May hikoi which launched the party has been accompanied by growing political realism.

In September Hone Harawira, now the likely Te Tai Tokerau candidate, was first out of the blocks to criticise the party's leaders.

He labelled them "squares" who were risking the party's future by trying to be as conservative as other political parties.

But he apologised after copping a serve from Turia and, although he was noticeably absent at the party's weekend meeting - he said he was at an unveiling - he says he remains passionate about the party and confident of leading its charge in Northland.

The retreat of Harawira demonstrates the tempering effect the Maori Party has had on the more volatile elements.

It is emerging as a voice for Maori, rather than the diverse voices often heard in the past.

In October Maori activist and One Tree Hill pine tree assailant Mike Smith said he had no interest in joining. "I am not a Maori Party member. I'm a treaty activist, and the Treaty of Waitangi talked about a plural political system," he said.

"I see the Maori Party as being part of mainstream politics, in opposition to the treaty vision."

But the prematurely gray Northlander was among the hundreds who turned out last weekend.

He said he was impressed and he's now talking compromise, and of the Maori Party's development as a small step to achieve a larger political end.

"I am not a member, but I am not opposed to the notion. It's a middle-of-the-road party - that's the look they want - not a high-profile, militant-type organisation."

Smith welcomes the beginnings of a unified Maori voice - something he believes will further marginalise "some of the kooky types" who sprang up around the activist movement of the 80s and 90s.

"Maori's place in the political spectrum has been muddied by the lunatic fringe that has sprung up around the independence movement.

"When we raised the issue of tino rangatiratanga a whole lot of people stood up for self-government. I remember one year at Waitangi there were five people wandering around claiming to be prime minister of Aotearoa.

"Some were simply trying to make a statement, but others were pure con-men exploiting the idea for commercial gain. Some were straight out of the lunatic fringe."

He believes the time has come for Maori to find a legitimate process - "a genuine representative organisation that has big balls."

Sharples believes he has that mettle.

Sitting in his busy office at Hoani Waititi marae, overlooking te reo-speaking tamariki at the marae kurakaupapa, he is unrepentant about his weekend outbursts.

However, a sheepish grin hints that strategy has played a part in his recent transformation.

"I want Maori to stop rolling over and taking another kick.

"My talk was aimed at rallying up the party and possible Maori voters. It was not made to pander to the greater Pakeha society."

Sharples is, however, vague on kick protection policies. He talks of the inclusion of whanau in policy, or the support networks of the family in overcoming social dysfunction and moving poor Maori forward.

"The key difference with Maori Party policy will be the concept of whanau coming into every policy. Education will be based on the health and wealth and economic future of the whanau.

"The Government's social agencies have all these policies geared towards the individual, yet common sense tells you a whanau solution will be far better."

He accepts that drafting a policy on such a general concept will be difficult. It is likely to target four key platforms, ranging from health and education to the promotion of te reo Maori.

One policy he favours is the insistence that Maori names be pronounced correctly.

"Maori need to see a victory. And one of the victories will be in the pronunciation of Maori names. I will insist on that. Starting with the news media and parliamentarians."

But again he is vague on how such a policy will be enforced.

He admits the party will struggle to achieve policy that embraces the diverse wants of all Maori.

"It won't be easy, and that's why it [policy] has to have many faces. It has to recognise iwi and urban Maori."

An example of the problems of reaching consensus is Turia's surprise move in voting against the Civil Unions Bill this week.

Sharples declines to give his position on the contentious legislation but adds "there are some lesbian women in my life, and I really respect their views".

"I thought she [Turia] said she supported the vote. It turns out she didn't."

He points out the difficulty of having just a single representative in Parliament.

"The party is leaning very much on Tariana for her to follow her conscience. And we come in behind her until we have people in with her there. She is aware of that and she is prepared to change her view once she gets other views.

"I am at the opposite end of the spectrum from [National leader Don] Brash. Brash is saying one funding for everyone.

"What I am saying is that where damage has been done, redress must be made in order to move forward. Otherwise you are moving forward lopsidedly."

It's a situation he believes is emphasised by Maori dominance in negative social statistics.

"The disparity between Maori and Pakeha in, say, education is enormous. In 40 years we have just baby-sat a gap.

"I want to see the treaty encapsulated in some kind of law. Certainly a new constitution which recognises the treaty would be paramount in a Maori Party manifesto. Those two things you can count on.

"We have 16 groups of 10 working on policy with a smaller group putting together policy frame work."

And Sharples' fighting talk re-emerges in discussing plans to send out party supporters.

"Each Maori seat has a set area. It's an area that can be viewed as a battlefield. Because we have a system and an army to do it.

"The victim pitch, in some ways, is our main tactic for recruiting Maori, because they know they have not had a voice.

"We are brand new but we know what is required of us. I know we have to take middle New Zealand with us. I have to find a way. Each time [Education Minister Trevor] Mallard speaks out against Maori he may win the support of Pakeha, but it wins our party support from Maori."

Back at McCarten's office, the grind of electioneering has begun.

What the party lacks in funding - around half a million dollars is needed - it makes up for in a large membership capable of providing committed workers to door-knock. This, he believes, unlike past Maori political failures, gives the party an edge.

He has divided each Maori electorate into 1500 grids with names and addresses of those on the Maori roll. In the next month teams of workers will door-knock to confirm details and introduce the party.

By election day he expects to have developed a personal relationship with all Maori voters.

"There are around 24,000 eligible voters in each electorate, with just 60 per cent turning out on election day.

"We need an average of 8500 votes in each electorate to win all the seats."

An achievable outcome, he says.

"The party may have formed on the back of opposition to the foreshore and seabed legislation but it has grown into a mood. Time for a change, more inclusive involvement."

The party has left candidate selection to members in each region, but McCarten warns party candidates must be up to the job.

"We don't want to see another Alamein Kopu in Parliament."

The party is still in the honeymoon period, when it can enjoy the luxury of not spelling out detailed policy. With a large chunk of its potential voters fixed firmly in the conservative camp, it must weigh up the wants of many extremes.

Sharples spells it out. "Maori have to make an effort themselves. I didn't know when this was formed whether this will work or not. I've never been sure if this was going to work. We were asked to do it and we have. Time will tell."