Most people were surprised when the Government postponed the part-privatisation of Mighty River Power after a Waitangi Tribunal decision. Not a few were also dismayed. Having expected the Prime Minister to plough ahead with the sales programme, they were left to ask who was actually running the country.
Worryingly, that perspective is gaining ever-widening currency, so much so that there is now good cause to consider whether a line on all Maori claims must soon be drawn in the sand.
That is not a novel notion. All the main political parties have planned to impose a time limit on the Treaty of Waitangi settlement process. They have varied only in the timing of that deadline and the caveats attached to it. Even the Maori Party has chimed in. Claims had been used by politicians to "bring Maori into contempt and ridicule by branding the process a gravy train," said co-leader Pita Sharples in 2005. "It is, therefore, in the country's best interests that the claims be settled as fast as possible to remove this negativeness."
Helen Clark agreed. She sought to accelerate the process by dealing more directly with claimants. Negotiations were undertaken in tandem with the work of the Waitangi Tribunal, rather than evolving from it. John Key has been equally keen to curtail matters. Early in his prime ministership, he took the chair of a Cabinet committee dedicated to the settlements and made more money available to accelerate them. The aim was to settle all historical claims by 2014.
In terms of that, this week's Tuhoe settlement was a promising sign. But the best intentions have too often been undone by what we are constantly told is the complexity of the process. In addition, there now seems to be never-ending requests to the Waitangi Tribunal to investigate contemporary claims relating to any act, practice or policy by the Crown after September 21, 1992, that allegedly breaches the Treaty. The thorny issue of Maori rights to rivers, lakes and aquifers is but one of more than 200 of these.