The moral of the story is not that America necessarily reacts with wisdom. Many US wars, especially in response to 9/11, were self-defeating. The point is that Moscow and Beijing could easily confuse American sullenness today for permanent resignation. Public opinion can be fickle and prone to emotional swings. Biden is certainly not looking for a fight — he is bending over backwards to find a diplomatic solution for Putin over Ukraine. Yet he is a consummate politician. If US voters turned hawkish, Biden could pivot.
Putin, in particular, could be forgiven for thinking that America has become a paper tiger. While Russia has been assembling its divisions on Ukraine's border, Biden's White House has been preparing a two-day "summit of democracies". The online exchanges will not alter any facts on the ground — least of all at home, where Biden lacks the votes to enact protections for American democracy. Such exercises are unlikely to make the world's autocrats think twice.
Less than six months ago, Biden evacuated US forces from Afghanistan with such alacrity that billions of dollars' worth of equipment was left on the ground. This looked like an eccentric way of showing that America was back. Barack Obama imposed sanctions on Russia after Putin annexed Crimea in 2014. Putin absorbed the costs and kept Crimea.
Why would Russia expect a different response this time? The answer, of course, is unknowable. But it is worth bearing some facts in mind. For all its overseas blunders and domestic toxicity, America has a bigger military than both Russia and China. It has fought more wars than any other country. Some of them are still happening, albeit at a low ebb. Compared with other democracies, the US has a martial culture. Americans respect their military more than any other institution.
The US is also capable of recklessness. As the writer Robert Kagan pointed out, America is a "dangerous nation". The fact that it is in relative decline only sharpens that trait. Contested hegemons rarely go quietly into the night. Much of today's foreign policy debate in the US focuses on the risks of miscalculating with China or Russia by confusing their red lines. The world would be a calmer place if China and Russia were equally worried about America's red lines.
Written by: Edward Luce
© Financial Times