This grievance poisons our collective wellbeing. Those with high grievance are twice as likely to view society as zero-sum, believing that others’ gains must come at their expense. They also show dramatically lower trust in all institutions. Media trust drops from 45% among those with low grievance to just 25% for those with high grievance. Business trust plummets from 70% to 35%.
This cycle of grievance and eroding trust has profound consequences. Political discussions revolve around grievances rather than solutions. Without trusted sources of shared facts, New Zealanders retreat to echo chambers.
Evidence of polarisation appears everywhere. On university campuses, legitimate debate suffers. In news media, complex issues get simplistic coverage. Many feel the media has become politicised.
This perception is not without reason. The previous Government’s $55 million Public Interest Journalism Fund included politically contentious conditions. Publishers like NZME secured clauses protecting editorial independence. But the PIJF nevertheless created a widespread impression that media organisations had compromised their independence. Meanwhile, media self-censorship has pushed many voices to the margins.
Several broader forces have intensified our trust crisis. Four years of inflation have created genuine economic hardship, undermining trust in the Government’s economic management. Covid bred deep scepticism about official information.
Treaty politics doubtless play a part too, shifting from addressing historical wrongs to competing visions of governance. Act’s Treaty Principles Bill highlights this tension – a symptom of our focus on reinterpreting the past rather than building our shared future. Each approach pulls us from the pragmatic problem-solving that once defined our politics.
A paradox also shapes our national conversation. Growing economic grievance coincides with stable or declining income inequality. Treasury’s 2024 analysis confirms this trend. Income inequality decreased between 2007 and 2023. Yet perceptions of unfairness keep growing. This disconnect shows how narrative increasingly overpowers reality.
Housing affordability represents one genuine economic grievance, directly burdening lower-income New Zealanders. Restrictive planning policies have driven housing costs skyward, creating legitimate grievances that fuel broader tensions.
Intellectual conformity adds another layer to our trust crisis. Those questioning the prevailing consensus on social issues face professional consequences. Academic freedom faces constraints and public servants self-censor to avoid repercussions.
Intellectual conformity prevents open debate. Without policy alternatives, ideologically driven approaches prevail over evidence-based ones, eroding accountability and trust.
The 2023 election reflected this broader trust crisis, with voters seeking alternatives to status quo views on economic management, social policy, and governance.
Some commentators dismiss these shifts, simplistically blaming either “the rich” or racism. These oversimplifications miss deeper concerns. Many voters worry about fragmentation, seeing grievance-driven politics dividing society into competing groups.
As a nation, we must escape these cycles of grievance and counter-grievance. New Zealanders should remember our shared prosperity came from co-operation and problem-solving. Solutions to our challenges require evidence-based policies, not competing narratives of victimhood.
Fragmentation drains our national energy when we face serious challenges. Housing shortages, declining education standards, healthcare problems, and stagnant productivity demand attention. Instead of uniting around solutions, we waste energy on zero-sum battles.
So what path forward should we take? Several principles could guide us.
First, focus on addressing genuine need based on actual circumstances. Avoid group identity or ideology. Housing affordability and educational disadvantage affect people of all backgrounds.
Second, protect robust debate. Avoid accusations against those who question orthodoxy. Different perspectives strengthen our conversation, if they respect evidence and dignity.
Third, build unity around shared civic values. New Zealand’s future depends on working toward common goals despite our diverse backgrounds. While there may be much we disagree on, we can surely find common ground in values like gender and racial equality, freedom of religion and expression, respect for democratic processes and the rule of law.
Fourth, uphold core liberal democratic principles within our unique historical context. Equality before the law and freedom to pursue economic opportunity have created prosperous societies worldwide. These enduring values should guide our approach to addressing today’s challenges.
Fifth, adopt a mature approach to Treaty issues that balances aspirations for Māori self-determination with equal political rights for all voters. Granting Māori communities meaningful control over resources and services that directly affect them is important. This should not compromise national governance, which requires democratic accountability to all New Zealanders.
This approach does not ignore legitimate grievances. It means treating them as practical problems needing practical solutions, not fuel for identity-based division or class resentment.
Ultimately, rebuilding the fractured trust identified in the Acumen Edelman Trust Barometer requires moving beyond grievance politics. By focusing on evidence-based solutions rather than competing narratives, we can restore the shared facts and pragmatic approach that once defined our politics.
