AS THE clock winds down the three weeks to this presidential election, Americans are imbued with a sense of dread, best described by Yeats' lines of 1919: "Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold ... The best lack all conviction, while the worst Are full of passionate intensity."
I'm trying to stomach the thought of voting for Hillary Clinton. I would like to have written, "rationalise" but that's not apt. The reasons her supporters give amounts to an endorsement for the lesser of two evils -- which is still a vote for evil. Hillary herself, if she were the "best" in Yeats' terms, lacks, not in conviction, but in connection to the hopes and aspirations of the voters. She can tell us whom to vote against but gives little reason or basis for someone to vote for.
Sixty-seven per cent of the voters do not trust her. And there are plenty of reasons for that distrust. The most recent trove of hacked emails referencing her Wall Street talks, show her coziness with the finance industry, her untrammelled support for borderless free trade -- contrary to her current, possibly momentary, opposition to TPP -- her endorsement of two-facedness with a "public and a private" policy position. These revelations might have doomed her nomination if known earlier. To her luck, Trump's decade old trash-talking-predation-bragging video has focused all the negative attention on him.
Hillary's vulnerability on trust is a serious issue, best described by acerbic New York Times columnist Maureen Dowd as "Nixonian paranoia." Her penchant for secrecy, her resistance to transparency, indicates that she does not trust the citizens and the feeling is, therefore, mutual. It's a problem for the poetry of campaigning which seeks a hero, but that common distrust may be a perverse benefit to the prose of governance.
Hillary Clinton's victory and the domestic arc of her presidency are within predictable possibilities. Foreign policy directions are also within anticipation if more problematic. Her hawkish reflexes don't fit comfortably with a national mood, tired of unending war since 2003. Her restraint may come, paradoxically, from the 67 per cent of Americans who don't trust her and thus are less prepared to enthusiastically endorse military adventurism. That restraint may find expression in the streets.